PCT Toolkit Archive — v2.0 (Display Edition)

Version 2.0 expanded the instrument to 27 questions and moved toward neutral language and broader scenario framing. At that stage, cross-referencing/dependency scoring was not yet active.

Question Set (27)

• Q1.Do you support the velayat-e faqih system as currently implemented in Iran?
• Q2.If a political transition led by Reza Pahlavi required very high civilian costs, would you still support that path?
• Q3.If military action were expected to impose large civilian casualties while weakening state institutions, would you still support that option?
• Q4.Do you believe a majority of people inside Iran currently support Reza Pahlavi as national political leadership?
• Q5.Do you support targeted assassination of Iranian political or military figures as a legitimate tool?
• Q6.Before the most recent conflict cycle, were you already in favor of war-based change?
• Q7.If an equivalent operation targeted a senior U.S. or European commander on domestic soil, would you apply the same moral standard?
• Q8.In the current or most recent conflict, do you prefer continued fighting over a negotiated ceasefire?
• Q9.Do you support direct negotiations between Iran and the United States without preconditions?
• Q10.If a foreign-backed transition produced governance outcomes no better than the current system, would you still view intervention as worthwhile?
• Q11.Do people living outside Iran have moral authority to decide whether people inside Iran should bear the costs of war?
• Q12.Do you think targeted assassination generally accelerates democratic transition rather than entrenching security crackdowns?
• Q13.Do you believe external military actors are primarily motivated by concern for Iranian civilian welfare?
• Q14.Would your answer about military action change if you or your immediate family were directly exposed to that risk?
• Q15.Is it possible to oppose the Iranian government’s domestic policies and also oppose foreign military intervention?
• Q16.When diaspora figures celebrate foreign strikes using foreign national symbols, do you interpret that as direct solidarity with residents inside Iran?
• Q17.Do you apply the same evidentiary threshold to claims about Iran that you apply to claims about Western governments?
• Q18.Have you revised any major political position on Iran in response to new evidence?
• Q19.If broad sanctions at this level were imposed on your own country, would you consider them justified?
• Q20.Do you view large-scale civilian suffering under sanctions as a necessary policy cost?
• Q21.Is complete regime collapse the only acceptable political endpoint for Iran?
• Q22.When media labels similar civilian harm differently across countries, does that framing influence your moral judgment?
• Q23.Does majority sentiment in diaspora communities necessarily represent majority political will inside Iran?
• Q24.If diplomacy could secure most desired outcomes without major casualties, would you prefer it to military escalation?
• Q25.Once military conflict is underway, do you consider ceasefire proposals to be a mistake by default?
• Q26.If Iran accepted verifiable nuclear limits and measurable human-rights reforms in exchange for sanctions relief, would you support that deal?
• Q27.Do you support the principle that civilians in any country—including Iran—should never be deliberately targeted?

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